In all peaceful negotiations, there will be thrust, parrots and counterattacks long before the opposition takes part in the seat.
Even on a plane carrying U.S. negotiator Steve Witkoff to Moscow, the Kremlin reportedly has issued a series of requests.
Ukraine is not allowed to join NATO.
The international community must recognize the Russian occupation of Hessen provinces, Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk and Luhansk in Crimea and Ukrainian provinces.
Once an agreement is reached, there must be no foreign peacekeeping force within Ukraine.
Although the international community has widely accepted the first demand – although not Ukraine, the latter two clearly surpassed the Western defensive stance.
It was not accidental that Vladimir Putin appeared on the front for only the second time Wednesday since the war began – it was the first time in combat fatigue. He is in talks on the signal, not only will it be held in the Kremlin.
Vladimir Putin
If the letter to Washington has indeed made the biggest demands above, the second track of negotiations will play a role in the battlefield: in the 30-day ceasefire, Russia’s stalls are longer, the chances are greater and therefore more, thus depriving its trading cards of Ukraine without mentioning Moorish.
The president’s main negotiators, Marco Rubio and Mr. Mike Waltz, wanted a deal. They keep saying that. Even in order to establish a 30-day confidence cease, the speed of the process is transparent. Perhaps, the rushing negotiator – whipped in the White House by Donald Trump – might consider concessions.
Ukraine joins NATO
If this means Ukraine is granted the opportunity to enter NATO, Volodymyr Zelensky has proposed to step down. But Russia has repeatedly stated that Ukraine’s accession to NATO is a red line, blaming the coalition’s expansion in Eastern Europe for the invasion about three years ago.
As far as the Russian demands are gradually forming, NATO membership is amniotic fluid. Pete Hegseth ruled out that when Ukraine joined the coalition last month, any hope that Kiev could be fished to NATO after signing the agreement and therefore could be gone through Article 5 protection measures.
Some analysts believe that in a recent foreign affairs article, Stephen Hadley, a former national security adviser to George W. Bush. But European NATO leaders are now more concerned about whether the Trump administration will fulfill its Article 5 obligations if it is attacked. This could be a simple franchise for Russia.
Russia’s occupied territory
International recognition of the Russian occupation of territories has greatly increased the shares. Ukraine will oppose it and it is difficult. Similarly, Europe is not interested in rubber map stamps, which is a Russian invasion (a model set for trans people, or worse, Suwalki Gap).
But this is our negotiators on the table, and as the White House changes, their intentions on the matter are not as clear as it is. Mr. Trump’s main interest in Ukraine sometimes seems to be his mineral wealth. Most of this resource lies in the Donbass region and is partially occupied by Russian troops.
Putin said last month that he was ready to work with Mr. Trump to work with what he called “Novorossiya” (a territory confiscated by Russia from Ukraine). The United States and Putin are hardly seen working together on illegally occupied land, but recognize that Moscow’s claims on the territory may change that.
Peacekeeping Force
Mr. Trump asserted that Putin agreed on the deployment of European peacekeepers on the phone, one of the more curious elements of the slope before negotiations. Every sign that comes out of the Kremlin in public is suggested.
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov often slammed the idea. Documents leaked on February 25 left it aside from a think tank near the FSB (Federal Security Agency). Instead, Russia should require a buffer zone on its border, as well as a completely demilitarized zone in the southern part of Crimea and Ukraine near Odessa.
According to a Bloomberg report last week, Putin could provide any support for peace so that he could choose the composition of the international peacekeeping force. There may be room for negotiation here.
The Quincy Institute, a Washington-based think tank, recently recommended equipment of buffers on the border with soldiers from the south of the world. Putin has gone to great lengths to win back his support from countries facing diplomatic quarantine elsewhere: their presence on the Russian border could prevent too many deadly mischiefs.
Obviously, Ukraine will demand greater security provided by European forces, including British and French forces. Early signs suggest that Sir Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron are making “Reassuring Power”, a tool that will be based on cities far from the front lines, close to critical energy and infrastructure.
Putin’s status as peacekeepers is likely to be that familiar negotiating strategy: the greatest need, later “cedes” as “concessions” as “concessions”. The real goal – and the hard route will consolidate the status of “Novorossiya”, the fruit of a war that has lost tens of thousands of lives in Russia.
