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The work was already at risk when Vice President JD Vance left Paris after urging Europe to reduce regulations and promote AI innovation. A series of quiet operational threats from the Biden administration, major technology incumbents and government-funded nonprofits (FPFs) say even if President Donald Trump revokes the previous administration’s restrictive framework, it is possible to impose broadly in U.S. states AI regulations.
On January 23, Trump signed the 14179 executive order, “eliminating barriers to U.S. leadership in the field of artificial intelligence” to support Biden’s command and control approach to support our AI leadership to defend our AI leadership to prevent competitors like China. But the remnants of the old policy survived nonprofits, such as nonprofits, and the FPF was busy drafting state bills that reflected President Joe Biden’s agenda.
Public records confirm that the FPF has a nearly $5 million obligation for federal agencies in fiscal 25 years under Biden. Last year, the FPF website touted the grants as an AI order that supports the “White House Executive Order”, which has since scrubbed references, but the federal grant database still links funds to the now revoked directive.
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Sponsors connected to FPF in several states, including Texas, Virginia, Connecticut and Colorado, have introduced nearly the same AI bill with vague concepts such as “algorithm discrimination” and “high risk” systems. These vague rules have broad discretion from regulators, preventing not only startups but also high-growth technology companies that cannot transfer valuable resources to compliance expenses.
Vice President JD Vance delivered a speech at the Artificial Intelligence (AI) Action Summit held in the Grand Palace in Paris, France on February 11, 2025. (Reuters/Benoit Tessier)
From the burgeoning meeting with Biden, venture capitalist Marc Andreessen described the former president’s AI vision as his most shocking “most shocking” of all time – full of new regulation The concept of micromanagement technology can and should be carried out. Progressive activists have long been prepared for this: the left has spent years building a “securityist” NGO ready to embed itself into new institutions, believing that they alone know how to guide AI responsibly. By contrast, rights never provide regulators with support for market freedom. This imbalance means that anyone eager to expand government power may be composed of any new regulator.
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The pathology of this program reflects the misleading idea that new and evolving systems require centralized supervision. But Hayek’s “knowledge problem” reminds us that no central authority can aggregate and deal with the decentralized information needed to effectively manage complex, changing systems. So, cleaning bills filled with ambiguous notes open the door to nepotism, helping good incumbents drive the traditional tape festival when smaller innovators are in.
Even if the bill exempts certain startups, compliance effectively consolidates the status quo – tech giants enjoy a huge legal scope. In the words of George Stigler, a well-known University of Chicago economist, “Regulation is acquired by the industry and is designed and operated primarily for the benefit.”
Supporters claim that these measures address “algorithm hazards”, but the real harm – slander, fraud, revenge porn – is already illegal. States can easily update criminal regulations to address issues such as synthetic images without creating an entire bureaucracy. Congressmen in places like Texas will better understand their instincts for use by small governments and avoid repeated hand-in-hand Biden-era rules.
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If these bills continue to spread, then the United States has the biggest risk of profitability of ironic technology. Instead, we need targeted, minimal interventions (if any) rather than a broad framework based on reputable federal policy. Our global competitiveness in AI and the vitality of our entrepreneurial ecosystem continue to exist.
The state must resist the temptation to create new offices for left-wing bureaucrats and activists so that they do not harass builders that could provide the golden age of innovation in the United States.
Joe Lonsdale is an entrepreneur and investor. He co-founded Palantir Technologies and venture capital firm 8VC. He is chairman of the University of Austin (UATX) and the National Policy Group Cicero Institute.
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